A common theme in Politics
is Aristotle’s obsession with dichotomy, order, and clarity of boundaries. Aristotle
loves category, organization, and order, and he presents all of his ideas in
this manner—just and unjust, good and bad, master and servant, rich and poor,
etc. For example, Aristotle declares that in any form of combined elements,
there is always a ruling element and a subject element; or, in an animal, the
soul is the natural ruler and the body is the natural subject. Another of his
theories is that all peoples, women, and animals should be ruled. In these
theories, the role of the woman in society is predetermined: she is of little
importance, she is of little value, and she is the clear inferior to man. This
is one of Aristotle’s justified inequalities, and this is one of the many
places in his treatise where he drastically diverges from Plato. Unlike Plato,
who argued for the equality of women and men in the kallipolis, Aristotle
vehemently emphasizes that women are of trivial importance, equating them to
children and slaves. Aristotle eventually queries if women, slaves and children
even possess virtue and if they deserve to be ruled; unsurprisingly, he comes
to the conclusion that all have some degree of virtue, but they all are
inherently unequal. Thus, their inequality and ensuing mistreatment is
justified. According to him, inequality is a necessary part of society in all class,
gender, and age.
Aristotle’s
perception of women is similar to his emphasis of order: everything (including
gender) is separate, distinct, and hierarchical. Women are different from men
in virtue, physical appearance, ability, and status. Aristotle even states that
men permanently strive to distinguish themselves from females. This observation
might still be acknowledged in contemporary society, whereas his others would
be met with scorn and diatribe. A particular aspect Aristotle so zealously
emphasizes is the gender binary. More than perceive men and women as biological
unequals, Aristotle describes their societal differences as fundamental, such
as a free person to a slave. Not only is he closed to the concept of gender
fluidity, but the construct of gender dichotomy is heavily reinforced. This
separation prescribes to the rest of his philosophy, which excludes ambiguity
and mutability in favor of rigidity, set boundaries, and reliability. Despite
the rest of Aristotle’s claims that may have influenced contemporary society,
his views regarding gender—both of the binary and its unequal treatment—are
morally backwards and would serve to promote other issues of justified
inequality today, such as race, sexuality, religion, and class. Such
flexibility and mobility should be encouraged as part of progressivism, not
denied and overlooked. These constructs and dichotomies that Aristotle speaks
of as givens should not exist in our society, as they only serve to create “justified
inequality” that become socially accepted. With this in mind, Aristotle’s philosophy
should be reexamined with the modern knowledge of the dangers of unwarranted boundaries and conceptual boxes.
The point that Aristotle’s philosophical treatises are inherently very rigid is very potent, and in a way, it makes his view of as women that much more unsettling. Aristotle does not simply suggest that women are inferior, he proclaims it as if it is fact. He does not allow for there to be any objection to the idea that there is an underlying power dynamic in all relationships where the entity must rule the other. He, then, cites multiple examples of where this can be found—master and servant, husband and wife, father and child, even the soul and one’s body. By citing these examples he universalizes the idea of ruling elements and subject elements that make it appear that it is only natural that these inequalities exist. He very deliberately makes it appear as there is a deterministic aspect to why inequality is justified and later, allows this principle to help construct a structured, just city-state. And as someone who is neither a woman or a slave, this well constructed social and political structure benefits him much more than those he says benefits from a good city-state.
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